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Anglican
- Lutheran Relations: an update
An
edited transcription of a talk given by the Rev Dr Charlotte Methuen
on 7 March 2009 to the Annual
General Meeting of the
Anglican-Lutheran Society
1.
Tracing Anglican-Lutheran relations
This paper will offer a
brief overview of Anglican - Lutheran Relations, looking at
where we’ve come from and where we are now in different
areas of the world, and drawing out some of the questions that
the Anglican Lutheran International Commission are grappling
with at present. These centre around concepts of unity, questions
of how different relationships relate to one another, and thinking
about how to define relationships in places where there’s
not much formal relationship but a lot of close working together.
I should note from the outset that this is going to be a rather
Anglican take on things; ideally my paper would be complemented
by a Lutheran take on these same questions.
a)
Some earlier history
As a historian, I always like to start with the history, and
the prehistory of Anglican-Lutheran is pretty substantial. Discussions
took place between Henry VIII’s theological advisers and
theologians in Wittenberg in 1535 and 1536. These discussions
achieved a set of theological articles [the so-called Wittenberg
articles can be found in Gerald Bray (ed.), Documents of the
English Reformation (Cambridge 1994), 119-161], but otherwise
had few results, not least because Henry VIII wasn’t very
fond of Luther. Nonetheless, through the early years of Henry
VIII’s Reformation and even to some extent under Edward
VI, it is possible to observe some very interesting cross-fertilisation
between Anglican ideas and Lutheran ideas. Relations between
Anglican and Lutheran churches can be observed through the seventeenth,
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, not least because of the
developments in the English monarchy which bring Georg of Hannover
to be King of England. Some German Lutherans, for instance,
work in the context of Anglican mission organisations. Between
1841 and 1886, there is the interesting example of the Jerusalem
Bishopric which was administered jointly by the Church of England
and the Church of Prussia who took it in turns to appoint a
bishop. [It should be noted, however, that the nineteenth-century
Church of Prussia was not strictly Lutheran but already a United
Church. The Church of Prussia withdrew from the Jerusalem Bishopric
in 1886; the Anglican bishop continued to be appointed by the
Church of England until well into the twentieth century] There
was a lot of tension within the Church of England around the
Jerusalem Bishopric, arising not least from Tractarians who
were not in favour of deepening the relationship between the
Church of England and the Church of Prussia, but nonetheless
the Jerusalem Bishopric offers an interesting example of how
the Church in Germany and the Church in England found a common
and a shared mission in Jerusalem.
Towards the end of
the nineteenth century, we begin to see emerging, particularly
out of the missions, the sense that confessional difference
is deplorable. Missionaries are increasingly concerned that
they are proclaiming the word of God in Africa, in India, and
elsewhere, but then telling their converts that they have to
decide whether they are Anglican, Lutheran, or another denomination.
This leads to calls for united missions and for the discovery
in a new way of Christ’s call to unity. Alongside that,
and indeed remarkably early, some formal discussions between
the Anglican Communion as a whole and various other churches,
including the Old Catholics as they take shape in the 1880s,
the Moravians, and in particular the Church of Sweden. The discussions
with the Church of Sweden reach a formal agreement in 1909,
which recommends mutual Eucharistic hospitality, invitations
to preach – that is, hospitality of pulpit and altar –
and the participation of bishops in episcopal consecrations.
That is, the steps that more recent agreements view as important
moves towards establishing a relationship of communion, and
therefore as steps towards full visible unity, are already being
defined in the very early twentieth century. Similar discussions
with Anglicans and Old Catholics, and with Anglicans and Orthodox,
lead to some very interesting developments in the 1920s and
1930s. In North America, and particularly the USA, the early
twentieth century witnesses deepening relationships between
Anglicans and Presbyterians, which come close to the establishment
of a united church just after the First World War. However,
those discussions between the Church of Sweden and the Anglican
Communion yield what is really the first real bilateral agreement,
although because of the intervention of the First World War
the agreement is not actually affirmed by the Anglican Communion
until 1920. There is some pressure on the 1920 Lambeth Conference
to affirm this agreement, because in early 1920 Herbert Hensley
Henson, Bishop of Worcester and soon to be Bishop-Elect of Durham,
received an invitation to a consecration in Sweden, and announced
to the Archbishop of Canterbury, Randall Davidson, that he intends
to accept it, even though the 1909 agreement had not yet been
received by the Lambeth Conference.
I start with the
history because I think it is worth remembering that ecumenical
endeavours don’t just start in the 1960s. In our ecumenical
work we stand in a long tradition, and that tradition shapes
how we think about what we can and cannot do, how we think about
unity, and what we think our goals are. In terms of goals, I
think it significant that the first real pan-Protestant moves
towards thinking about the Church unity (or Church union as
it was often referred to at the time), emerge in that period
immediately after the First World War. As we have seen, questions
of unity were already around, but after the First World War,
there is a real and urgent sense for many people in Europe the
Churches have failed. This is picked up to some extent by the
Roman Catholic Church, not least in the establishment of the
feast of Christ the King, and there are some really developments
within Catholicism as it is faced with the question of how it
should respond to the totalitarian regimes which emerge in Europe
in the 1920s and 1930s. However, in many ways that the beginning
of multilateral ecumenical dialogues – the Faith and Order
and Life and Work movements – are rooted in that sense
after the First World War that friendship, brotherhood –
to use the language of the time – had broken down, and
that the Protestant Churches needed to find ways of preventing
that ever happening again. In many ways the focus of ecumenical
developments between the wars tends to be multilateral, and
related to Faith and Order and Life and Work, rather than bilateral.
There are some exceptions for Anglicans, such as discussions
with the Orthodox, and the signing of the Bonn Agreement between
Anglicans and Old Catholics in 1931. However Anglicans and Lutherans
tend to be more involved in the larger movements, sometimes
complemented by theological discussions between particular partners,
such as the Anglo-German theological conferences which took
place between 1927 and 1921. Under the auspices of the Church
of England’s new “Council on Foreign Relations”
further bi-lateral dialogues start taking place through the
1930s, as the Church of England drawing up an agreement with
the Finnish Church in 1933-34, and then with the Churches of
Latvia and Estonia in 1936 and 1938. This latter agreement founders
because of the Second World War and the subsequent political
developments. Nonetheless, immediately before the Second World
War, there quite a range of Anglican-Lutheran discussions have
already taken place, particularly in Europe.
b)
Global Angican Lutheran relations since 1970
Let us now make a leap into the 1980s. The immediate post-war
period sees some really important developments, many of which
are multilateral – the growth of the World Council of
Churches – so that relationships between individual churches
are conceived in the context of seeking some kind of pan-Protestant,
or pan-Protestant and pan-Orthodox, unity. This work, and not
least the publication of Baptism Eucharist and Ministry in 1982
to wide acceptance, lays some very important foundation stones
for the bilateral dialogues which start to take place in the
1980s.
The first international
Anglican-Lutheran conversations took place between 1970 and
1972 and gave rise to the Pullach Report (1972) [the agreements
emerging from Anglican-Lutheran dialogues since the 1970s have
been collected in one volume by the LWF and the Anglican Communion:
Anglican-Lutheran Agreements: Regional and International Agreements
from 1972 to 2002 (Geneva 2004)], which noted considerable agreement
and encouraged regional meetings and regional exploration of
how to take relationships forward. What I am not clear about
on the Lutheran side is the extent to which the ability to engage
in global Anglican-Lutheran conversations was contingent on
the existence of the Lutheran World Federation as a body that
could enter into proper global discussions with the Anglican
Communion, but I suspect that it was of central importance.
Pullach encourages both regional and international exploration
of relationships, so that what follows is a kind of parallel
development of the emergence of regional agreements which are
then considered in the international context. This pattern is
important because it reminds us that international relationships
draw on and articulate relationships which are already in existence
in much more local contexts of parish, diocese, region, so that
the global and international discussions need always to be rooted
in and reflecting on what is happening, to try to express those
developments theologically, and to articulate them in more formal
agreements.
The next international
report, the Cold Ash Report (1983) of the Anglican-Lutheran
Joint Working Group took the significant steps both of defining
the goal of Anglican-Lutheran dialogue as ‘full communion’
and of exploring what that meant:
By full communion we here
understand the relationship between two distinct churches
or communions. Each maintains its own autonomy and recognises
the catholicity and apostolicity of the other, and each believes
the other to hold the essentials of the Christian Faith [Cold
Ash Report § 25; Anglican-Lutheran Agreements, 76].
Here we are looking
at an understanding of full communion which defines it as autonomous
bodies which come together to work together. Full communion
implies that “subject to such safeguards as ecclesial
discipline may require, members of one body may receive the
sacraments of the other”; such a relationship therefore
enables eucharistic hospitality, mutual recognition of baptism:
a mutual invitation to each other’s sacraments. It implies
that “subject to local invitation, bishops of one Church
may take part in the consecration of the bishops of the other,
thus acknowledging the duty of mutual care and concern.”
This confirms that a relationship of full communion will involve
the mutual participation in consecrations that we’d already
started to see in the early twentieth century, and that implies
mutual recognition of ministries. Full communion implies that
“subject to church regulation a bishop, pastor/priest
or deacon of one ecclesial body may exercise liturgical functions
in a congregation of the other body if invited to do so, and
also, when requested, pastoral care of the other’s members.”
Here we are starting to find encouragement for exchange of ministries.
Finally “it is also a necessary addition or complement
that there should be recognisable organs of regular consultation
and communication, including episcopal collegiality.”
On this model, the churches do not just sign up to this relationship,
but it should also be being deepened by discussion and reflection.
Cold Ash is really
important in 1983 as setting up a model of what might be possible.
Internationally, globally, Anglicans and Lutherans then move
on to talk about episcope, which results in the Niagara Report
(1987). On this question, which remains one of the major stumbling
blocks for relations with Anglicans for some Lutheran and many
United churches, a very significant recent development has been
the LWF’s Lund Report. The next phase of global Anglican-Lutheran
discussions, which produced the Hanover Report (1995) considered
the diaconate, which looked primarily at the challenge to Lutherans
to think about the diaconate as an ordained ministry. The diaconate
remains a really important theme, as we consider the challenge
of the Lutheran understanding of diakonia to Anglicans, and
explore how Lutheran understandings of diakonia relate to Anglican
understandings of mission.
Most recently, the
report Growth in Communion (2002) of the Anglican Lutheran International
Working Group offers a very interesting snapshot of Anglican-Lutheran
relationships across the world in 2002. More importantly it
looked at the different regional agreements which had emerged
by then, asking what model of unity are they working with and
whether these models were compatible. Growth in Communion concluded
that they are, although unfortunately the Inter-Anglican Standing
Commission on Ecumenical Relations (IASCER) was less convinced.
The question had become important because by the time that ALIWG
was meeting, a number of really important international agreements
had emerged.
c)
regional Anglican-Lutheran agreements
The first of those was not explicitly between Anglicans and
Lutherans but between the Church of England and the German Protestant
Churches (the EKD): the Meissen Agreement, which was drawn up
in 1988 by the Church of England, the Federation of the Evangelical
Churches in the German Democratic Republic, and the Evangelical
Church in Germany (EKD), drawn up in 1988 and ratified in 1991
by the Church of England and the EKD (which by the included
the Federation of the Evangelical Churches in the German Democratic
Republic). At a colloquy held in Meissen to mark the twentieth
anniversary of the agreement, the co-secretaries described how
the process was driven by a deep frustration that Christians
who were working together for peace could not celebrate the
Eucharist together. The drafting of the Meissen Agreement began
by looking what people in the Church or England and the German
Protestant Churches were already doing together, and exploring
what the implications of that might be. And emerged was a strong
sense the Church of England and the EKD should be inviting one
another to receive communion in each other’s churches,
a strong sense that pulpit hospitality was absolutely fine,
that ministry of the Word was not an issue, but a realisation
that the sticking point was episcopacy. What Meissen did was
effectively to take the Cold Ash definition of the implications
of full communion and explore how much of that is possible.
Effectively Meissen says “We can go a long way along this
road, but we can’t go all the way to exchange of ministries.”
That was problematic for those who believe that Eucharistic
hospitality must be rooted in exchange of ministries and can
only represent the culmination of the process and not a step
along the way, as is, for instance the case in the ecumenical
work of the Roman Catholic Church. The Meissen Agreement therefore
manifests a particular understanding of an incremental movement
towards unity which was in conflict with understandings of unity
that were shaping other dialogues.
The next important
agreement is the Porvoo Common Statement (1992) between the
British and Irish Anglican Churches and the Nordic and Baltic
Lutheran Churches (with the exception of Latvia and Denmark).
This is an agreement of communion. By 1992 British ecumenical
discussions had begun to avoid the term “full communion”,
on the basis that full communion will only be possible at the
eschaton. Porvoo allows for mutual exchange of ministries, and
ecclesially its implication is that the Nordic and Baltic Lutheran
Churches have exactly the same relationship to the Church of
England, or to the Episcopal Church of Scotland, the Church
in Wales, or the Church of Ireland, as any other member church
of the Anglican Communion does. This is a relationship of communion.
It means that if a priest ordained in the Church of England
moves to Sweden, and fulfils the canonical requirements of that
Church (and speaks Swedish), they can function and be licensed
as a priest in Sweden without needing to do anything except
go through their processes of appointment and admission. Similarly
priests from the Nordic and Baltic Lutheran Churches (except
Latvia and Denmark) can – and do – serve in the
British and Irish Anglican Churches.
Finally, in this
phase of European agreements, the Reuilly Common Statement (1999)
was signed between the Lutheran and Reformed Churches of France
and the British and Irish Anglican Churches. This is an agreement
on the Meissen model; it does not bring about a relationship
of communion.
In North America
those European Agreements were followed by Called to Common
Mission (1999/2000) in the United States which was the fruition
of a long and complex process between the Evangelical Lutheran
Church of America and the Episcopal Church, at that stage still
ECUSA. Like Porvoo, Called to Common Mission is an agreement
of what in North America was still being called ‘full
communion’. It is an agreement, therefore, which allows
interchange of ministers. There was some debate particularly
in the Church of England about whether CCM was pushing towards
a unity that was not quite there yet, and therefore some concern
about the understanding of unity that underlay it. The tensions
in this discussion raise similar issues to those which were
raised about Meissen.
The final agreement
in this phase was Called to Full Communion, other wise known
as the Waterloo Declaration, between the Evangelical Lutheran
Church in Canada and the Anglican Church in Canada which was
made in 2001.
Called to Common
Mission, the Waterloo Declaration and Porvoo all, ecclesially
speaking, from the Anglican point of view, bring the Lutheran
partner churches into a relationship which for the Anglican
partner which is the same as that Anglican partner has with
other member churches of the Anglican Communion. However, these
are not Communion-wide agreements, which raises some very interesting
questions about their extent. What does it mean, for instance,
for me as a priest ordained in the Church of England if I go
to Canada. Can I function in the same way in the Lutheran Church
in Canada as I could technically in the Church of Sweden? What
happens if I go to the USA? What is my relationship to the ELCA?
What relationship does the Episcopal parish in Frankfurt have
to the Finnish or to the Swedish congregations in Frankfurt?
These three regional agreements of communion have raised some
very interesting questions around what has come, using a mathematical
term, to be known as transitivity. This is one of the questions
with which the current Anglican Lutheran Commission is grappling.
There are many other
initiatives and relationships across the world. In 2001 the
Anglican Church in Australia and the Lutheran Church of Australia
covenanted for mutual recognition and mutual reconciliation
in an attempt to get discussions between their two churches
put on a firmer theological footing. However, at present that
initiative is not progressing very fast. Also in 2001, a meeting
of the All-Africa Anglican-Lutheran Commission had some very
fruitful discussions and intentions for moving forward; however
it then did not meet again until 2008.
2.
Current Relationships
Despite the stalling
of its conversations, the experience of the All-Africa Anglican-Lutheran
Commission (AAALC) highlights some important issues. The current
Anglican Lutheran International Commission (ALIC) had its first
meeting in Tanzania and one of the things that struck us was
just how much fairly informal interrelationship there is between
the Churches there in terms of movement of church membership
and an awareness of a shared mission (although that impression
must be somewhat relativised by Michael Westall’s paper).
At their 2007 meeting, members of the AAALC noted considerable
diversity in their relationships but also identified “a
number of practices which already reflect mutual recognition,
support and common mission.” It would appear to be the
case in many of the regions of Africa where both Churches are
represented that their relationships are not characterised by
formal agreements but simply by working together to tackle the
problems with which they are confronted. In South Africa and
to some extent in Botswana there are some real efforts to face
questions like HIV/AIDS, poverty together. This is a unity which
emerges in tackling questions of mission and diakonia, and such
joint work in Africa or also in South America may offer some
very helpful pointers towards how we might reconcile different
understandings of diaconate and diakonia within Anglicanism
and Lutheranism.
However,
there is a more fundamental recognition here. There common practices
“already reflect mutual recognition, support and common
mission.” The terminology is important. The discovery
of practices which already reflect mutual recognition, support
and common mission points towards a relationship that already
exists, even if it have not been formalised. This language seems
to me very similar to the kind of process that the Meissen Commission
went through in 1988. They discovered things were already happening,
and they very much saw the Meissen Agreement as a way of articulating
those things theologically. ALIC is considering ways in which
we can help Churches which don’t necessarily have either
the interest or the resources to engage in the kinds of processes
that go into drawing up formal agreements as we’ve done
in Europe or North America to articulate their relationships
in ecclesial terms. Formal agreements are processes that take
time, energy and money, and in many parts of Africa the priorities
for time, energy, and money are rather different. So rather
than trying to force all Anglicans and Lutherans to engage in
dialogue, ALIC hopes to draft protocols or guidelines which
will effectively say: “If you are already doing this in
your life together as churches, then it implies that your relationship
is such that you can do this in terms of mutually agreed eucharistic
hospitality, preaching or exchange of ministries.” The
African experience – which has parallels with joint ministries
in South America – is prompting us to discover practical
ways of recognising work that is already happening on the ground.
What this implies
is that communion is deepened not by having formal conversations
but by doing things together. In many ways, this takes us back
to the kinds of models of ecumenism that emerged after the First
World War in the context of the Life and Work Movement. ALIC’s
work on these questions will, I think, help us to articulate
the absolutely vital relationship between Life and Work and
Faith and Order (to put it in technical ecumenical terms).
On another level,
this is also happening in Canada, where the Waterloo Agreement
is producing some very exciting and productive results. There
are considerable initiatives in Canada including “joint
church planting and shared, collaborative ministry”, which
actually means joint parishes. This is unity expressed not only
in formal but in practical terms. A real metaphor of this was
the initiative of two parishes in a town in Northern Canada:
both the Anglicans and the Lutherans have wooden church buildings,
and the congregations simply moved one of the buildings to stand
next to the other building and joined them together, so they
now have one church building in their joint parish. There is
a real sense in Canada, I think, that the Anglican Church and
the Lutheran Church are becoming one Church. Like Called to
Common Mission, the Waterloo Agreement was viewed with a certain
amount of suspicion by some ecumenical theologians because it
seemed to leave rather a lot open. Effectively, it just said:
“We are going to be in full communion.” The Canadians
are living that out means that they are exploring what happens
when the two churches simply do as much together as they can.
And they are doing things together. They are running seminaries
together and the theological educators say that it is really
interesting to see how confessional identity starts to shift
and change when you are really training people together in the
context of two Churches which are also trying to work together.
The two churches are now working on drawing up educational standards
for ministerial training (and there the Lutherans are presenting
some real challenges to Anglicans!). They are working on questions
of joint stewardship, on questions of sexuality. There is a
real effort to work together and the two heads of the Churches
are trying to make statements together whenever possible, remembering,
of course, that they have relations also with other Churches.
So there have been some real developments in Canada as a result
of starting the process, entering into relationship, and seeing
what happens. I think what we’re seeing in Canada is a
real exploration of the consequences of communion in two Churches
which are more or less the same size and which have geographical
overlap. Both of those aspects offer real advantages to a proper
exploration of a relationship of communion.
A question arises
here which is beginning to present itself in Canada, but which
also emerges from the experience of much older united churches
like the Churches in North and South India. To what extent do
world communions actually hinder the case of Christian unity?
If what we are observing in Canada are two Churches which are
in the process of becoming one Church, where does that leave
them in terms of their global identity, in terms of their identity
within the universal Church? The North and South India Churches
tend to send representatives to several global communions. These
local initiatives are actually raising some really important
questions for our global identities and some challenges to us
to take our rhetoric of unity more seriously.
The situation in
the USA is a little less promising than in Canada. There are
some similar initiatives, but there also seems to be a sense
in some areas of “We’ve signed our agreement so
that’s that done!” Nonetheless, there are also joint
seminaries in the United States, and other initiatives. In particular,
the Episcopal Church seems to have learnt a lot from engaging
with Lutheran understandings of diakonia, and this experience
could be important for other Anglicans.
Initiatives in other
areas of the world highlight some complicated questions about
jurisdiction, particularly amongst Lutherans. For instance in
Japan there are five Lutheran Churches so one of the challenges
in Japan is first of all for the Lutherans to work out their
own relationships, so that they can decide how to talk to the
Anglicans. Here we see an interesting difference between the
Anglican Communion and the LWF. On the whole the Anglican Communion
has worked pretty hard only to have one Anglican jurisdiction
in any one place, although they were unsuccessful in some parts
of the world, most notable continental Europe, where there are
four Anglican jurisdictions [this pertains to Churches which
are part of the Angican Communion In some areas of the world,
most notably the USA, there is also a number of Continuing Anglican
Churches which have splintered off as a result of disputes,
generally but not only over the ordination of women]. This has
been a relatively simple task since most Anglican mission was
initiated either by the Church of England or by the Episcopal
Church, so that there is not the same proliferation of different
Anglican Churches in Africa and Asia as there is of Lutheran
Churches born of Lutheran mission from different areas of Europe,
which can leave (for instance) a Swedish Church and a Danish
Church and a Norwegian Church all coexisting in the same country,
as in Japan, and also in India. First of all the different Lutheran
churches have to agree about what it means to be Lutheran in
a particular place and only then they can really start engaging
in other ecumenical relationships. Looking at the situation
in Japan and India throws up some interesting questions about
the different understandings of jurisdiction in Anglicanism
and Lutheranism.
In Europe, I think
we are only just beginning to understand the full implications
of Porvoo. The danger, because our churches do not have any
real geographical overlap, is that this becomes a purely formal
agreement but that not much is really done about it. In places
where these is direct contact between the Porvoo churches the
implications are beginning to be explored. There are some interesting
initiatives in Finland, for instance; in Sweden a joint chaplaincy
has been established in Gothenburg; in England there are attempts
to bring Lutherans into a much closer relationship with the
Church of England. However, there are still some fairly major
questions around in Europe about relationships between Anglicans
and other Lutheran Churches. Porvoo, Reuilly and Meissen do
not cover all the Lutheran Churches by any manner of means and
there is some important work to be done about thinking about
how to explore these discussions, especially in the context
of a fairly fluid situation. For instance, the Lutheran Church
in the Netherlands has recently amalgamating with the Reformed
Church, which means that future discussions there will probably
need to take a more Meissen/Reuilly approach. The Community
of Protestant Churches in Europe (formerly the Leuenberg Fellowship)
may offer a way of moving forward, but it is operating on a
rather different understanding of what the basis of communion
and unity, rooted in Article 7 of the Augsburg Confession, and
this is not enough for Anglicans.
All this points to
the current concerns of the Anglican Lutheran International
Commission, as it prepares to meet for in the fourth of what
is probably going to be a six-year cycle. In ALIC, we are trying
to monitor what’s going on in different areas of the world.
We are grappling with this question of transitivity between
different agreements. And we are working on ways of recognising
formally work that is already happening, relationships that
have already been built, through joint mission or diakonia.
It is really important, especially for those of us who spend
a lot of time engaged in ecumenical dialogue, to remember that
what we are doing is very much about recognising and deepening
relationships, and not simply about formal agreements. Therefore
we are working on how to allow existing relationships to be
affirmed without forcing churches which don’t have the
resources to jump through the hoops of formal dialogue. We are
looking at relationships between diaconate and diakonia. Of
course we’re still talking about episcopacy, and we have
welcomed the Lund Report with great enthusiasm, and hope that
Anglicans will feel able to follow that lead. In all of that,
I think we are also grappling once again with concepts of unity:
do we start with a theoretical theological understanding of
all the things we have to have before we can move forward or
do we look at the ways in which we are moving forward and look
at ways to endorse those? Which really means, I think, that
we are looking at different understandings of the sacramentality
of the Church, and what that means for our two Churches.
I want to close
with a very brief quote from ‘Growth in Communion’
that I think informs what we’re trying to do. It’s
part of a reflection on Jesus’ call that ‘all may
be one, even as you, Father, are in me and I in you, that they
also may be in us’ [John 17:22], that great call to unity.
The Report comments: “ecclesial unity is … a deep
and continuing sacramental expression of life together in the
Triune God. Such ecumenism is much more, then, than simply meeting
minimum standards for mutuality, removal of ecclesiastical obstacles,
or the overcoming of previous difficulties between or among
traditions.” [Growth in Communion § 182; Anglican-Lutheran
Agreements, 323] Such unity seeks to be “the reality of
the divine life ecumenically lived out.” It is that reality
which must inform our mission and our proclamation of the Word
of God [Growth in Communion § 183; Anglican-Lutheran Agreements,
323].
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